Thursday, February 23, 2012

Iran and the Shape of Things to Come






Retired Republican House and Senate staffer Mike Lofgren spoke with Truthout in Washington, DC, this fall. Lofgren's first commentary for Truthout, "Goodbye to All That: Reflections of a GOP Operative Who Left the Cult," went viral, drawing over a million unique views.

Cet animal est tres méchant; quand on l'attaque, il se défend. (This animal is very wicked; when you attack it, it defends itself) - French proverb


It is hard not to think of that Gallic witticism when observing recent international events. Aside from almost daily threats from the governments of Israel and the United States to attack Iran - a violation of the United Nations Charter - Iran has been subject to sabotage, violations of its airspace by military drones and assassinations of its citizens. Under the circumstances, it is not surprising to hear news of attempted attacks on Israeli embassies in Georgia, India and Thailand. Iran may very well be behind them.

Or perhaps all is not as it seems. One might have thought the tradecraft of the clandestine services of the country that invented chess would be better than to launch three abortive operations, one of which appeared spectacularly botched. By contrast, the bombing of the Marine barracks in Beirut in 1983 was devastatingly effective. Its perpetrators were likely assisted by Iran both to aid its Shiite allies in Lebanon and to retaliate for US military assistance to Saddam Hussein's Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war. Also lethally effective was Iran's assassination campaign against anti-regime exiles living in Europe. The destruction of Pan Am 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, in 1988 was always suspicious. While the US government fingered Moamar Qaddafi as the perpetrator, my sources suggested he was the front man and stooge left holding the bag. The initiator was probably Iran, in retaliation for a US Navy cruiser having shot down Iran Air 655 six months earlier over the Persian Gulf. The US government had reason not to look too hard at Iran, because emphasizing its motive would have shone a light on the Iran Air incident that the government was eager to consign to the memory hole.

Why has Iran's operational competence suddenly deteriorated so badly, given that our government spokesmen represent it as such a fearsome threat? And why would it seek to hasten a bombing campaign against its own territory as the abortive embassy bombings almost seem calculated to do? And why does the evidence mostly consist of assertions by interested parties?

False flag operations are as old as warfare itself: reflect on the Lavon Affair or Operation Northwoods. In most parts of the world, the people are inheritors of millennia-old cultures and they understand that the false flag is how governments operate regardless of what their state media tell them. But most Americans, who wear self-righteous gullibility around their necks like a millstone and crave simple Manichean dramas, are easy marks for the false flag.

Americans' proud ignorance of geography and history compounds the problem by making self-contradictory narratives sound plausible. We read in Foreign Affairs, the bulletin board of the foreign policy establishment, that Iran is collaborating with al-Qaeda. The implausibility of that argument in a Middle East riven by religious schisms - Iran is a theocratic Shiite nation-state, while al-Qaeda is a stateless group seeking a universal Sunni caliphate - matches the unlikelihood of a secular Arab gangster state like Saddam Hussein's Iraq collaborating with al-Qaeda. But Americans - not all, but enough - fell for that one, too.

We also read that Iran is doing what it can to keep its ally, the Assad regime in Syria, from collapsing. That is plausible enough. But in that case, why did al-Qaeda's leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, publicly call for Assad's overthrow and the destruction of his "pernicious, cancerous regime" if al-Qaeda is in cahoots with Iran? Our foreign policy explainers need to get their stories straight.

But contradictory or not, the propaganda continues and the pressure for war ratchets up. Even the former chief of Mossad. Meir Dagan, is despairing that Israel, supported by the United States, may rush into what he calls "the stupidest idea I've ever heard." On February 16, 35 senators cosponsored a resolution to declare it US policy not to rely on containment or deterrence against a nuclear-capable Iran (the resolution does not say nuclear-armed, it says nuclear-capable and leaves "capable" undefined). In so doing, the cosponsors evidently seek to foreclose options short of war. Far from learning their lesson from Iraq, our Congress appears more irresponsible and subject to mob psychology than ever.

Prime Minister Netanyahu will be in Washington March 4-6. A potential indicator of future events will be whether he gets an invitation from the speaker to address Congress and push the required emotional buttons. The first new moon thereafter will occur on March 22; even with the existence of radar, combat aircraft still gain tactical advantage by maximum optical concealment. It is worth noting that the invasion of Iraq occurred on March 20, 2003.

On the other hand, perhaps it is all a colossal bluff in an ongoing campaign of psychological warfare. But it is always best to be prepared when children play with matches in a dynamite factory.

GOP Fears Rise Over 2012 Tone, Message




MESA, Ariz. — In 2008, after Republicans were routed in the presidential and congressional elections, there was widespread consensus within elite GOP circles about the party’s structural problems: The Republican voter base was too old, too white, too male and too strident for the party to prosper long term in a country growing ever more diverse.

Four years later, many of the same GOP leaders are watching with rising dismay as the 2012 presidential campaign has featured excursions into social issues like contraception and a sprint by the candidates to strike the toughest stance against illegal immigration, issues they say are far removed from the workaday concerns of the independent voters Republicans need to evict Barack Obama from the White House.

To those Republicans, the probable result looks more and more like a general election fought on a much narrower band of turf than the GOP leaders assumed even a few months ago. As recently as 2010, when Republicans elected historic numbers of women and minorities to high office, a permanent expansion of the conservative coalition looked within the realm of possibility to party strategists.

The phenomenon of a party talking to itself — rather than reaching out to new voters — was on sharp display at a candidates debate here Wednesday night marked by nearly two hours of peevish and often confusing exchanges between Mitt Romney and his surging challenger, Rick Santorum.

Even before the debate, an array of prominent Republicans, in interviews with POLITICO, were pleading for the candidates to pay attention to the appearance of tone-deafness and do more to show they desire — and can deliver — a more inclusive and forward-looking party.

“We can still be a party that’s for border security and one that at the same time says, ‘Hey we’re not an anti-immigrant party,’” said Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal, himself the son of Indian immigrants. “As a country and as a party, we’re not people who are going to turn people away from the emergency room. … We don’t need to change our ideology. We need to be more articulate in voicing the aspirational spirit of America.”

Jindal suggested that, on the state level, Republicans had been more successful promoting a positive agenda, rather than digging in with an all-negative message about the president’s failures,.

“The party has to offer compelling alternatives,” Jindal said. “Voters may dislike [Obama] on spending, the economy and ‘Obamacare,’ but they still think he’s a nice person. Demonizing the president is not gonna win the election.”

“It’s important that voters see a Republican Party that is inclusive and is not exclusive,” agreed House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.).


Cantor said the right approach is not to avoid social issues or immigration but to recognize that, for many of the voters the GOP needs most, “jobs and the economy” are preoccupying concerns. “Independent voters,” he added, “will give you credit” when addressing divisive issues “by trying to find a way to bridge differences.”

Former Republican National Committee Chairman Ed Gillespie warned in more dire terms that, among Hispanic voters in particular, the GOP had to move quickly to deliver a more compelling message — or else “2016, 2020 is when it becomes acute if we don’t move to fix it now.”

“If the Republican nominee in 2020 gets the same percentage of African-American, Hispanic and Asian-American votes that Sen. McCain got, the Democrat will win by 14 points,” Gillespie said, adding that without some comprehensive immigration reform deal, “it doesn’t mean we can’t grow our share of the Hispanic vote, but it does lower the ceiling of how much we can grow it.”

While the task of courting Hispanic voters is a long-range project for Republicans, the work has to start in 2012, strategists say, before the party is consigned to oblivion by a group that’s rapidly expanding its political influence.

Just 26 percent of Hispanic voters told NBC pollsters last month that they’d support Romney over Obama. In November, the respected Pew Hispanic Center found just 16 percent of Hispanics named the GOP as the party to which they felt closest.

For Romney — still viewed as the party’s most likely nominee — the goal of reaching Hispanics probably didn’t get any easier Wednesday night, after he praised some of Arizona’s stringent immigration policies as a “model” for the nation. Speaking in the state that triggered a national firestorm over immigration in 2010, Romney once again pledged to drop the Justice Department challenge to Arizona’s law giving new power to local authorities to crack down on illegals and highlighted several other measures that are off-putting to many Hispanics.

“I will drop those lawsuits on Day One. I’ll also complete the fence. I’ll make sure we have enough Border Patrol agents to secure the fence. And I will make sure we have an E-Verify system and require employers to check the documents of workers,” Romney said. “You do that, and just as Arizona is finding out, you can stop illegal immigration. It’s time we finally did it.”

As Romney heads into the general election, he’ll have to explain those comments to a much wider audience — including Latinos whose view of Romney has steadily worsened over the course of the campaign.


“The party as a whole needs to [court Latinos], but Romney will be the leader of the party. … I think he needs to work very hard, especially with the Hispanic community. Democrats try to use immigration as a disqualifying issue for Republican candidates, despite the fact that Obama has done nothing,” said veteran Republican presidential strategist Charlie Black. “You’ve got to get past that so the Democrats can’t use it to disqualify you on jobs issues.”

Black, who supports Romney, said the former Massachusetts governor is aware of the work he has to do with Latinos: “He’s got to focus on primary voters here for another few weeks, but I know he is sensitive to it.”

Karl Rove, who as President George W. Bush’s senior adviser focused on trying to grow the Republican share of the Hispanic vote, said that on immigration the primary debate has “not been as problematic as I thought it would be,” but he also cautioned that “we’ve done little to prepare for the general election.”

He said many Hispanic-Americans would be receptive to Republican positions and rhetoric on traditional values and support for entrepreneurs, but need to hear positive appeals, in addition to promises to secure the border.

Both Rove and Cantor also warned that the media focus — particularly on televised debates — tends to shine attention on process stories and what Rove called “intramural warfare” rather than the broader messages of candidates.

But Hispanics are only one wing of the electoral coalition that Bush-era Republicans hoped to build that now appears increasingly unfriendly to the party this year.

If Romney’s comments on immigration have bloodied him for the fall campaign, then the whole GOP field’s extended back and forth on contraception — last night and on the trail for weeks now — is unlikely to win over many of the independent suburban women who helped Bush to reelection eight years ago.

After initially deriding the contraception issue as a marginal topic in the 2012 campaign, the candidates all took the bait when asked about it in Wednesday night’s debate, prompting a lengthy conversation that featured Ron Paul commenting on the difference “hormonally” — or lack thereof — between birth control medication and the morning-after pill.

As with immigration, few top Republicans will call for an out-and-out revision of their party’s stance on the issue.

But concerns about tone and attitude abound, as senior GOP strategists fret — mostly in private — about the message it sends to have four middle-aged or elderly white men holding forth about birth control in a national forum.

“Life is a winning issue for conservatives. But it’s always been an issue where tone matters and imagery matters. How you talk about it matters. We win on life,” Gillespie said. “Whichever side is deemed as extreme on the issue is losing. If you’re seen as extreme or trying to impose your views on others you run into trouble on either the pro-life side or pro-choice side.”


Former Bush White House political director Sara Fagen called the contraception flare-up a “distraction” from issues Republicans are more likely to win on — a point other Republicans echoed, emphasizing the need to stay focused on the economy.

“As a general rule, when you’re in a bucket talking about women’s health and morality that’s not a space you want to be in long term, particularly when people are focused on jobs and gas prices,” she said. “Not only is it a distraction, but it makes voters think we’re not focused on things that are important to them.”

And former Utah Gov. Jon Huntsman, who has insistently called for modernizing the GOP on subjects such as gay rights and immigration, said that on a range of issues, “The Republican Party risks finding itself in the dustbin of history if it fails to recognize the inexorable demographic trends sweeping America.”

“This doesn’t mean you give up your core principles but rather that you connect them to the broader American themes of opportunity, jobs, freedom and individual dignity,” he said.

There’s always the hope, some party leaders point out, that Obama will simply do the GOP’s work for it with Latinos, women, independents, seniors and other influential, politically volatile voting blocs.

If the economy takes another turn for the worse, the jobless rate jumps, gas prices continue to rise and Obama fails to respond effectively, the president’s current advantages could quickly melt away, driving voters across demographic groups toward the anti-incumbent party.

Former Health and Human Services Secretary Mike Leavitt, a Romney backer who was governor of Utah before joining the Bush administration, argued that the task of coalition-building is inherently different for a party that’s out of office, and that to expect the GOP to work with Bush-style electoral math is simply unrealistic.

“The coalition for Republicans to win is a coalition of disaffected people,” Leavitt said, noting that means winning back “groups that last time abandoned the party.”

“We will have Hispanics and Latinos who do feel let down by Obama. … The best thing that can be done, and the thing I think people are yearning for most, is an economic turnaround.”

As to the risk of alienating swing voters in a long nomination fight, Leavitt shrugged that that’s just the way primary politics works.

“That is of course the age-old dilemma of running in a primary with the understanding that you’re going to have to run in a general,” Leavitt said. “If I [had a solution], I’d be a popular guy.”

Wednesday, February 22, 2012

Establishment Case



A Rhode Island teenager who battled her high school over the display of a prayer banner has received a $40,000-plus scholarship from those who supported her efforts.


Jessica Ahlquist, 16, won a court battle in January to have the prayer sign removed from Cranston High School West, a decision that outraged many in her school and community.


The battle began in July 2010 when Ahlquist informed the local chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union about a mural addressed to "Our Heavenly Father" that was displayed in the auditorium of her school. Ahlquist claimed in her lawsuit, filed through the American Civil Liberties Union, that the banner made her feel "ostracized and out of place."


The mural has been in the school since 1963, and a school committee said it was "historical" and "artistic."


The matter went before U.S. District Judge Ronald Lagueux who ruled Jan. 12 that "no amount of debate can make the school prayer anything other than a prayer."


The school said it would not appeal the federal court's decision.


Since the judgment was handed down, atheists and other supporters across the country have donated $42,000 to a scholarship fund for Ahlquist in order to show their support for her fight, according to Hemant Mehta, a blogger at the Friendly Atheist, who founded the scholarship fund.


"So many atheists around the country are amazed by what she did. It's not easy to take a stand on a decision that's so unpopular," said Mehta, 28, who is a high school teacher in Illinois.
Mehta said that he had been following Ahlquist's court case closely and saw her getting criticized and put down for her stance on the prayer banner. He wanted her to know she had support, and so he contacted the American Humanists Association and asked them to help set up a trust fund for Ahlquist. He then began collecting money on his website.


"Freedom From Religion [an atheist group] wanted to send flowers to her, and none of the florists in Rhode Island would even deliver flowers to her," Mehta said. "A state representative called her evil in an interview. Every time stories come up about how people are treating this 16-year-old girl, my heart just goes out to her and I want to help her in some way."
Mehta referred to a radio interview in January in which state representative Peter Palumbo called Ahlquist an "evil little thing."


"This didn't happen in the Bible Belt," Mehta said. "This happened in Rhode Island. A Rhode Island state representative called her evil, when in my perspective she's just defending the Constitution."


Ahlquist did not respond to requests for comment today, but Mehta said he believed the high school junior was aware of the scholarship fund, which could be used for tuition, room and board or books.

Wednesday, February 15, 2012

Critics of Safety Net Increasingly Depend on It













By BINYAMIN APPELBAUM and ROBERT GEBELOFF


LINDSTROM, Minn. — Ki Gulbranson owns a logo apparel shop, deals in jewelry on the side and referees youth soccer games. He makes about $39,000 a year and wants you to know that he does not need any help from the federal government.

He says that too many Americans lean on taxpayers rather than living within their means. He supports politicians who promise to cut government spending. In 2010, he printed T-shirts for the Tea Party campaign of a neighbor, Chip Cravaack, who ousted this region’s long-serving Democratic congressman.

Yet this year, as in each of the past three years, Mr. Gulbranson, 57, is counting on a payment of several thousand dollars from the federal government, a subsidy for working families called the earned-income tax credit. He has signed up his three school-age children to eat free breakfast and lunch at federal expense. And Medicare paid for his mother, 88, to have hip surgery twice.

There is little poverty here in Chisago County, northeast of Minneapolis, where cheap housing for commuters is gradually replacing farmland. But Mr. Gulbranson and many other residents who describe themselves as self-sufficient members of the American middle class and as opponents of government largess are drawing more deeply on that government with each passing year.

Dozens of benefits programs provided an average of $6,583 for each man, woman and child in the county in 2009, a 69 percent increase from 2000 after adjusting for inflation. In Chisago, and across the nation, the government now provides almost $1 in benefits for every $4 in other income.

Older people get most of the benefits, primarily through Social Security and Medicare, but aid for the rest of the population has increased about as quickly through programs for the disabled, the unemployed, veterans and children.

The government safety net was created to keep Americans from abject poverty, but the poorest households no longer receive a majority of government benefits. A secondary mission has gradually become primary: maintaining the middle class from childhood through retirement. The share of benefits flowing to the least affluent households, the bottom fifth, has declined from 54 percent in 1979 to 36 percent in 2007, according to a Congressional Budget Office analysis published last year.

And as more middle-class families like the Gulbransons land in the safety net in Chisago and similar communities, anger at the government has increased alongside. Many people say they are angry because the government is wasting money and giving money to people who do not deserve it. But more than that, they say they want to reduce the role of government in their own lives. They are frustrated that they need help, feel guilty for taking it and resent the government for providing it. They say they want less help for themselves; less help in caring for relatives; less assistance when they reach old age.

The expansion of government benefits has become an issue in the presidential campaign. Rick Santorum, who won 57 percent of the vote in Chisago County in the Republican presidential caucuses last week, has warned of “the narcotic of government dependency.” Newt Gingrich has compared the safety net to a spider web. Mitt Romney has said the nation must choose between an “entitlement society” and an “opportunity society.” All the candidates, including Ron Paul, have promised to cut spending and further reduce taxes.

The problem by now is familiar to most. Politicians have expanded the safety net without a commensurate increase in revenues, a primary reason for the government’s annual deficits and mushrooming debt. In 2000, federal and state governments spent about 37 cents on the safety net from every dollar they collected in revenue, according to a New York Times analysis. A decade later, after one Medicare expansion, two recessions and three rounds of tax cuts, spending on the safety net consumed nearly 66 cents of every dollar of revenue.

The recent recession increased dependence on government, and stronger economic growth would reduce demand for programs like unemployment benefits. But the long-term trend is clear. Over the next 25 years, as the population ages and medical costs climb, the budget office projects that benefits programs will grow faster than any other part of government, driving the federal debt to dangerous heights.

Americans are divided about the way forward. Seventy percent of respondents to a recent New York Times poll said the government should raise taxes. Fifty-six percent supported cuts in Medicare and Social Security. Forty-four percent favored both.

Support for spending cuts runs strong in Chisago, where anger at the government helped fuel Mr. Cravaack’s upset victory in 2010 over James L. Oberstar, the Democrat who had represented northeast Minnesota for 36 years.

“Spending like this is simply unsustainable, and it’s time to cut up Washington, D.C.’s credit card,” Mr. Cravaack said in a February speech to the Hibbing Area Chamber of Commerce. “It may hurt now, but it will be absolutely deadly for the next generation — that’s our children and our grandchildren.”

But the reality of life here is that Mr. Gulbranson and many of his neighbors continue to take as much help from the government as they can get. When pressed to choose between paying more and taking less, many people interviewed here hemmed and hawed and said they could not decide. Some were reduced to tears. It is much easier to promise future restraint than to deny present needs.

“How do you tell someone that you deserve to have heart surgery and you can’t?” Mr. Gulbranson said.

He paused.

“You have to help and have compassion as a people, because otherwise you have no society, but financially you can’t destroy yourself. And that is what we’re doing.”

He paused again, unable to resolve the dilemma.

“I feel bad for my children.”

Middle-Class Blues

Mr. Gulbranson has tried several ways to make a living in the storefront he bought from his father in 1979. He ran a gift shop, then shifted to selling jewelry. Nine years ago, he moved the gold scales to the back and bought equipment for screen-printing clothing. Through it all, he has never made more than about $46,000 in a year.

Meanwhile, the cost of life — and of raising five children — has climbed inexorably.

“I used to go out and try to have a meal at Perkins, which is a restaurant here, and get out of the store with $5,” Mr. Gulbranson said. “And now it’s probably up to $10.”

In recent years he has earned so little that he did not pay federal income taxes, although he still paid thousands of dollars toward Medicare and Social Security. The earned-income tax credit is intended to offset those payroll taxes, to encourage people with lower-paying jobs to remain in the work force.

Mr. Gulbranson said the money covered the fees for his children’s sports leagues and the cost of keeping the older ones on the family’s car insurance.

“If we didn’t get these government things, then probably my kids could not participate in some of the sports they do,” he said.

Almost half of all Americans lived in households that received government benefits in 2010, according to the Census Bureau. The share climbed from 37.7 percent in 1998 to 44.5 percent in 2006, before the recession, to 48.5 percent in 2010.

The trend reflects the expansion of the safety net. When the earned-income credit was introduced in 1975, eligibility was limited to households making the current equivalent of up to $26,997. In 2010, it was available to families making up to $49,317. The maximum payout, meanwhile, quadrupled on an inflation-adjusted basis.

It also reflects the deterioration of the middle class. Chisago boomed and prospered for decades as working families packed new subdivisions along Interstate 35, which runs up the western edge of the county like a flagpole with its base set firmly in Minneapolis. But recent years have been leaner. Per capita income in Chisago excluding government aid fell 6 percent on an inflation-adjusted basis between 2000 and 2007. Over the next two years, it fell an additional 7 percent. Nationally, per capita income excluding government benefits fell by 3 percent over the same 10 years.

Mr. Gulbranson’s business struggled as other companies, particularly construction firms, stopped ordering logo-emblazoned shirts. In 2009, the family claimed the earned-income credit for the first time on the advice of their accountant, who was claiming it for herself. The share of local families claiming the credit climbed 33 percent between 2000 and 2008, the most recent year for which data are available.

To make extra money, Mr. Gulbranson refereed 40 soccer games on Tuesday and Thursday nights last fall. His wife sold clothes at equestrian events and air-brushed novelties at craft fairs, driving around the country with a one-ton trailer hitched to a 20-foot van.

Their difficulties, Mr. Gulbranson said, have made it hard to imagine asking anyone to pay higher taxes.

“I don’t think most people could bear to pay more,” he said.

Instead, he said he would rather give up the earned-income credit the family now receives and start paying for school lunches for his children.

“I don’t demand that the government does this for me,” he said. “I don’t feel like I need the government.”

How about Social Security? And Medicare? Can he imagine retiring without government help?

“I don’t think so,” he said. “No. I don’t know. Not the way we expect to live as Americans.”

A Starring Role

Bob Kopka and his wife often drive to the American Legion hall in North Branch on Thursday nights, joining the crowd gathered in the basement bar for the weekly meat raffle. Almost everyone present relies on the government to pay for their medical care.

Mr. Kopka, 74, has had three heart procedures in recent years. His wife recently had surgery to remove cataracts from both eyes.

Without Medicare, Mr. Kopka said, the couple could not have paid for the treatments.

“Hell, no,” he said. “No. Never. She would have to go blind.”

And him?

“I’d die.”

Few federal programs are more popular than Medicare, which along with Social Security assures a minimum quality of life for older Americans.

None are more central to the nation’s financial problems. The Congressional Budget Office projects that government spending on medical benefits, even taking into account the cost containment measures in the 2010 health care law, will rise 60 percent over the next decade. Then it will start rising even more quickly. The cost of caring for each beneficiary continues to increase, and the government projects that Medicare enrollment will grow by roughly one-third as baby boomers enter old age.

Spending on medical benefits will account for a larger share of the projected increase in the federal budget over the next decade than any other kind of spending except interest payments on the federal debt.

Medicare’s starring role in the nation’s financial problems is not well understood. Only 22 percent of respondents to the New York Times poll correctly identified Medicare as the fastest-growing benefits program. A greater number of respondents, 27 percent, chose programs for the poor. That category, which includes Medicaid, is slightly larger than Medicare today but is projected to add only half as much to federal spending over the next decade.

Medicare’s financial problems are much worse than Social Security’s. A worker earning average wages still pays enough in Social Security taxes to cover the benefits the worker is likely to receive in retirement, according to an analysis by the Urban Institute. Social Security is still running out of money because the program must also support spouses who do not work and workers who earn lower wages. But Medicare’s situation is even more dire because a worker earning average wages still contributes only $1 in Medicare taxes for every $3 in benefits likely to be received in retirement.

A woman who was 45 in 2010, earning $43,500 a year, will pay taxes that will reach a value of $87,000 by the time she retires, assuming the money is invested at an annual interest rate 2 percentage points above inflation, according to the Urban Institute analysis. But on average, the government will then spend $275,000 on her medical care. The average is somewhat lower for men, because women live longer.

Medicare is often described as an insurance program, but its premiums are not nearly high enough. In simple terms, Americans are getting more than they pay for.

But many older residents in Chisago say this problem belongs to younger generations. They paid what they were told; they want to collect what they were promised.

Some, like the Kopkas, have savings they can tap. Mr. Kopka still owns the landscaping business he started after leaving the Navy in the early 1960s. He and his wife own a three-bedroom home on three acres, valued by the county at $153,700. The mortgage is paid. They hope to pass the house to their children.

Others have nothing else. Barbara Sullivan, 71, moved last year to the apartments above the Chisago County Senior Center in North Branch. Waiting on a recent Friday for the hot lunch, which costs $3.50, she watched roughly 20 people play bingo for prizes including canned soup and Chef Boyardee pasta.

“Most of the seniors around here are struggling to make it,” she said.

She counts herself among them. She lives on $1,220 a month in Social Security benefits and relied on Medicare to pay for an operation in November.

She believes that she is taking more from the government than she paid in taxes. She worries about the consequences for her grandchildren. She said she would like politicians to propose solutions.

“We’re reasonable people,” she said. “We’re not going to say, ‘Give it to me and let my grandchildren suffer.’ I think they underestimate seniors when they think that way.”

But she cannot imagine asking people to pay higher taxes. And as she considered making do with less, she started to cry.

“Without it, I’m not sure how I would live,” she said. “With the check I’m getting from Social Security, it’s a constant struggle on making sure that I pay my rent and have enough left for groceries.

“I haven’t bought a Christmas present, I haven’t bought clothing in the last five years, simply because I can’t afford it.”

Keeping a Promise

Representative Cravaack often says he entered politics to lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of his two sons.

“I vision that I open up their backpacks and I put in a 50-pound rock and zip it back up again,” Mr. Cravaack told the Minnesota Freedom Council in October 2010. “And I say, ‘Sorry, son, you’re going to have to hump this the rest of your life.’ Because that’s exactly what we’re doing to our national debt right now to our children.”

Mr. Cravaack, a 53-year-old Navy veteran and a retired pilot for Northwest Airlines, was grounded by sleep apnea in 2007. He and his wife, an executive at the drug company Novo Nordisk, decided he would stay home with their sons. He soon became the first man to serve as president of the Chisago Lakes Parent Teacher Organization.

In August 2009, while driving the children to North Branch, he heard a talk radio host urging people to protest President Obama’s health care legislation. Mr. Cravaack and about two dozen others spent more than two hours the next day in Mr. Oberstar’s North Branch office before a staff member told them the congressman would not meet them. The rejection convinced Mr. Cravaack that Mr. Oberstar should be replaced. One of the other protesters, a woman who had taken her six children to the office, became Mr. Cravaack’s campaign scheduler.

Two weeks after speaking to the Freedom Council, he beat Mr. Oberstar by 1.6 percentage points, or 4,407 votes. Voters in Chisago, the southern tip of an expansive district, provided the margin of victory.

“We have to break away,” Mr. Cravaack told supporters, “from relying on government to provide all the answers.”

Mr. Cravaack has said he drew unemployment benefits during a furlough from Northwest in the early 1990s. He did not respond to several requests for an interview, nor to an e-mail with questions about his views and about whether his family has drawn on other benefits programs. This account is based on a review of his public statements.

Shortly after arriving in Congress, Mr. Cravaack voted with a vast majority of House Republicans for a plan to remake Medicare by providing money to its beneficiaries to buy private insurance. Senate Democrats have rejected that plan.

But Mr. Cravaack has also consistently said the government should not reduce its largest category of spending — benefits for the current generation of retirees. He also says he does not support cuts for people who will turn 65 over the next decade.

“If you’re 55 years and older, you don’t have to listen to this conversation because we have to keep those promises,” Mr. Cravaack told The Daily Caller last April. “People like myself, 52, if you’re 54 or younger, we’re going to have a conversation.”

Tomorrow, Tomorrow

The government helps Matt Falk and his wife care for their disabled 14-year-old daughter. It pays for extra assistance at school and for trained attendants to stay with her at home while they work. It pays much of the cost of her regular visits to the hospital.

Mr. Falk, 42, would like the government to do less.

“She doesn’t need some of the stuff that we’re doing for her,” said Mr. Falk, who owns a heating and air-conditioning business in North Branch. “I don’t think it’s a bad thing if society can afford it, but given the situation that our society is facing, we just have to say that we can’t offer as much resources at school or that we need to pay a higher premium” for her medical care.

Mr. Falk, who voted for Mr. Cravaack, said he did not want to pay higher taxes and did not want the government to impose higher taxes on anyone else. He said that his family appreciated the government’s help and that living with less would be painful for them and many other families. But he said the government could not continue to operate on borrowed money.

“They’re going to have to reduce benefits,” he said. “We’re going to have to accept it, and we’re going to have to suffer.”

One of the oldest criticisms of democracy is that the people will inevitably drain the treasury by demanding more spending than taxes. The theory is that citizens who get more than they pay for will vote for politicians who promise to increase spending.

But Dean P. Lacy, a professor of political science at Dartmouth College, has identified a twist on that theme in American politics over the last generation. Support for Republican candidates, who generally promise to cut government spending, has increased since 1980 in states where the federal government spends more than it collects. The greater the dependence, the greater the support for Republican candidates.

Conversely, states that pay more in taxes than they receive in benefits tend to support Democratic candidates. And Professor Lacy found that the pattern could not be explained by demographics or social issues.

Chisago has shifted over 30 years from dependably Democratic to reliably Republican. Support for the Republican presidential candidate has increased relative to the national vote in each election since 1984. Senator John McCain won 55 percent of the vote here in 2008.

Residents say social issues play a role, but in recent years concerns about spending and taxes have predominated.

Voters in the North Branch school district have rejected increased financing for local schools in each of the past three years. In 2010, the district switched to a four-day school week, striking Monday from the calendar to save money.

Some of the fiercest advocates for spending cuts have drawn public benefits. Many, like Mr. Falk, have family members who rely on the government. They often cite that personal experience as the reason they want to cut government spending.

Brian Qualley, 49, has a sister who survived a brain tumor but was disabled by its removal. The government pays for her care at an assisted-living facility. Their mother scrapes by on Social Security.

Mr. Qualley said that the government should provide for those who need help, but that too much money was being wasted. Mr. Qualley, who owns a tattoo parlor in Harris, north of North Branch, said some of his customers paid with money from government disability checks.

“They’re getting $300 or $400 tattoos, and they’re wearing nice new Nike shoes that I can’t afford,” he said, looking up from working a complicated design into the left leg of a middle-aged woman. “I guess I shouldn’t say it because it’s my business, but I think a tattoo is a little too extravagant.”

But Mr. Qualley said he did not want to reduce benefits for the current generation of retirees. Rather, he said his own generation should get less, because they have time to prepare. This is a common position among the young and healthy in Chisago.

Mr. Qualley said he was saving some money for retirement, although, he added, “I don’t have a 401(k) or anything like that.”

“I also have a job that I don’t necessarily ever want to — or have to — retire from,” he said.

What if his hands start to shake as he gets older?

“Actually,” he said, the electric needle falling silent in his hand, “it’s my shoulders and neck that bother me most.”

Safety in Numbers

Barbara Nelson has little patience for people who say they will not need government help. She considers herself lucky she has not, and obligated to provide for those who do.

“Catastrophes happen in life,” she said, sitting in a coffee shop in Taylors Falls. “To be so arrogant that you think it won’t happen to you, that somehow you’re going to be one of the special ones, I disagree with that.”

Ms. Nelson, 61, who describes herself as a centrist Democrat, also dismisses the claim that people cannot afford to pay more taxes.

“Anyone who can come into a coffee shop and buy coffee is capable of paying more,” she said. “If someone’s life can be granted, in terms of adequate health care, if that means I give up five cups of coffee a month, that is a small price to pay.”

Gordy Peterson, 62, who has used a wheelchair for 30 years since a construction accident, has reluctantly reached a similar conclusion.

“I’m a conservative,” he said by way of introducing himself. He built his own house before his injury and paid for it in cash. He still thinks the government should operate that way. He never intended to depend on federal aid and said he sometimes felt guilty about it.

But for the last three decades, he has received a regular check from the Social Security disability insurance program, and Medicare has helped to pay his medical bills.

“Here I’m getting money, and everybody is struggling,” he said. “Even though it ain’t no cakewalk for me.”

Mr. Peterson used a workers’ compensation settlement to buy a farm that he managed with his brother-in-law, who is mentally handicapped and also on government disability.

“He was my legs, and we worked it,” Mr. Peterson said.

They grew corn, soybeans and rye, and even kept steers for a while. In good years they earned enough to live on. In bad years they lived on the government’s checks. Life would have been very difficult without them, he said.

Mr. Peterson, an easygoing man who looks down when he thinks and smiles sheepishly when he offers an opinion, looked down after completing the story of his own dependence on the safety net.

“It’s hard to beat up on the government when they’ve been so good to you,” he finally said. “I’ve never really thought about it, I guess.”

Lately, the government has been very good, indeed. The county, with federal financing, bought a corner of Mr. Peterson’s farm to build a new interchange for Interstate 35. He used the money to open a gas station at the edge of the farm in 2008 to serve the traffic that rolls off the new ramp. The business is prospering, and he no longer worries that he will need to depend on Social Security.

“But you can’t take that away,” he said. “My own sister has only Social Security. That’s all. That’s all she’s going to have. And if you take that away from her, Christ, she’d be a street person. I don’t think we can cut them off on that.”

How about higher taxes?

Maybe a little higher, he said. Maybe.

“I’m glad I’m not a politician,” he said. “We’re all going to complain no matter what they do. Nobody wants to put a noose around their own neck.”


This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: February 14, 2012



A chart on Sunday with the continuation of an article about increased federal aid for the middle class contained a map that designated North Carolina as one of the states won by Senator John McCain in the 2008 presidential election. In fact, President Obama won that state. (In the 100 counties with the highest dependence on federal aid, Mr. McCain won two-thirds of them.)

Thursday, February 9, 2012

U.S. Begins to Review Military Options in Syria




Although the U.S. focus remains on exerting diplomatic and economic pressure on Syria, the Pentagon and the U.S. Central Command have begun a preliminary internal review of U.S. military capabilities, CNN has learned.



The options are being prepared in the event President Barack Obama were to call for them. Two senior administration officials who spoke about the review to CNN emphasized that U.S. policy for now remains the use of non-military options.



The focus on diplomatic options was underscored by the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations in an interview with CNN on Tuesday.



"Before we start talking about military options, we very much want to ensure that we have exhausted all the political, economic and diplomatic means at our disposal," Ambassador Susan Rice said on CNN's “Situation Room with Wolf Blitzer.”



The president has also said that the U.S. is working on non-military options first.



"I think it is very important for us to try to resolve this without recourse to outside military intervention, and I think that's possible," Obama said in an interview with NBC News that aired during the Super Bowl on Sunday.



But the military is beginning to look at what can be done. One of the senior U.S. officials called the effort a “scoping exercise” to see what capabilities are available given other U.S. military commitments in the region.



Both officials pointed out that this type of planning exercise is typical for the Pentagon, which would not want to be in the position of not having options for the president, if and when they are asked for.



It would be Gen. James Mattis, head of U.S. Central Command, who would provide details on what U.S. military assets are available, what missions they could perform if asked, and what risks U.S. forces might face.



“The Pentagon is closely monitoring developments in Syria. It wouldn’t be doing its job if it didn’t put some ideas on the table,” one of the senior U.S. officials told CNN. “But absolutely no decisions have been made on military support for Syria.”



The two officials were not willing to be identified because they were not authorized to talk to the media.



Typically those types of options are held by the Pentagon as very preliminary plans and not even forwarded to the White House unless asked for. If asked, plans are then fleshed out with specific units to support them.



In this type of analysis being done, the military would typically look at all options ranging from humanitarian relief, to support for opposition groups, as well as outright military strikes, although that is an unlikely option, both officials said.



“This remains a campaign to apply economic and diplomatic pressure,” the first official said.



The military’s work to analyze potential military options for Syria has been quietly going on for several weeks, two administration officials confirm to CNN. The bulk of the analysis is being done by staff of General Mattis, who would be the senior commander if the President were to order any action.



Mattis’ analysis is being shared with General Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, who would then present options to the White House, if it came to that.



“We don’t want to be in the position of suddenly dusting off some five year old plan,” one official said. The official emphasized the work is extremely preliminary but said the military would look at a full range of contingencies.



Arizona Sen. John McCain, the top Republican on the Armed Services committee, told reporters Tuesday that the U.S. should consider "all options including arming the opposition."



But U.S. officials said that adding weapons into the volatile and violent situation is not a viable option.



"We never take anything off the table. The president does (or) doesn't. However, as the president himself made absolutely clear and as the secretary has continued to say, we don't think more arms into Syria is the answer," said State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland.

GOP Vows to Reverse Obama Birth Control Policy


(AP) WASHINGTON — Republicans vowed Wednesday to reverse President Barack Obama's new policy on birth control, lambasting the rule that religious schools and hospitals must provide contraceptive coverage for their employees as an "unambiguous attack on religious freedom in our country."

The White House pushed back in the face of a political firestorm, arguing that Obama was sensitive to the objections and looking for a way to allay the concerns. Democratic women lawmakers put up a united front in defending the administration.

"Women's health care should not depend on who the boss is," said Illinois Rep. Jan Schakowsky.

The fight over the administration mandate escalated as House Speaker John Boehner accused the administration of violating First Amendment rights and undermining some of the country's most vital institutions, such as Catholic charities, schools and hospitals. He demanded that Obama rescind the policy or else Congress will.

"This attack by the federal government on religious freedom in our country cannot stand, and will not stand," Boehner, a Catholic and Ohio Republican, said in a floor speech rare for the speaker.

The contentious issue has roiled the presidential race and angered religious groups, especially Catholics, who say the requirement would force them to violate church teachings and long-held beliefs against contraception.

It also has pushed social issues to the forefront in an election year that has been dominated by the economy. Abortion, contraception and any of the requirements of Obama's health care overhaul law have the potential to galvanize the Republicans' conservative base, critical to voter turnout in the presidential and congressional races.

Clearly sensing a political opening, Republicans ramped up the criticism. Shortly after Boehner spoke, GOP senators gathered on the other side of the Capitol to hammer the administration and insist that they will push ahead with legislation to undo the requirement.

Sen. Kelly Ayotte, R-N.H., called the new rule "an unprecedented affront to religious liberty. This is not a women's rights issue. This is a religious liberty issue."

The issue is not contraception, said Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., but "whether the government of the United States should have the power to go in and tell a faith-based organization that they have to pay for something that they teach their members shouldn't be done. It's that simple. And if the answer is yes, then this government can reach all kinds of other absurd results."

Several Senate Democrats said they would challenge any effort to reverse the policy.

Sen. Barbara Boxer, D-Calif., pointed out that for about 15 percent of women, birth control pills are used to treat endometriosis and other conditions.

"It's medicine and women deserve their medicine," she said.

The White House, facing a public and political outcry, engaged in damage control, circulating letters and statements from outside groups defending its position.

Administration officials had signaled on Tuesday that a compromise was possible and made clear Wednesday it was still looking for a way to deal with the issue.

"The president is committed, as I've tried to make clear, to ensuring that this policy is implemented so that all American women have access to the same level of health care coverage and doing that in a way that hopefully allays some of the concerns that have been expressed," said White House spokesman Jay Carney, who added, "We're focused on trying to get the policy implementation done in the right way."

Options could include granting leeway for a church-affiliated employer not to cover birth control, provided it referred employees to an insurer who would provide the coverage.

Another idea, previously rejected by the administration, calls for broadening the definition of a religious employer that would be exempt from the mandate beyond houses of worship and institutions whose primary purpose is to spread the faith. That broader approach would track a definition currently used by the IRS, bringing in schools, hospitals and social service agencies that deal with the general public.

Republican White House hopefuls Mitt Romney and Newt Gingrich have been relentless in assailing the administration, criticizing the president at campaign stops. Romney has accused Obama of an "assault on religion" and Gingrich called the rule an "attack on the Catholic Church."

But Romney has drawn criticism from his GOP rivals and the White House over policies when he was Massachusetts governor.

In late 2005, Romney required all Massachusetts hospitals, including Catholic ones, to provide emergency contraception to rape victims. Some Catholics say the so-called morning-after pill is a form of abortion.

Romney said he did not support the Massachusetts law, which passed despite his veto. But he also said at the time, "My personal view, in my heart of hearts, is that people who are subject to rape should have the option of having emergency contraception or emergency contraception information."

White House spokesman Jay Carney seized on that policy at his daily briefing Wednesday.

"The former governor of Massachusetts is an odd messenger on this given that the services that would be provided to women under this rule are the same services that are provided in Massachusetts and were covered when he was governor," Carney said.

He called it "ironic that Mitt Romney is criticizing the president" for a policy that Carney described as identical to the one in place in Massachusetts.

Boehner said that if the administration fails to reverse the policy, then Congress will act. He said that in the coming days, the House Energy and Commerce Committee will move ahead on legislation.

A group of House Democratic women sought to frame the issue in economic and health terms, arguing that birth control reduces health costs and stops unintended pregnancies.

In a conference call, Rep. Lois Capps, D-Calif., who said she spoke as a nurse, mother and grandmother, pointed out that 28 states have similar rules on coverage for birth control. Schakowsky pointed out that the rule affects nurses, secretaries and janitorial staff who may not be Catholic.

Rep. Gwen Moore, D-Wis., said the church "can't impose its religious views on people and whether they can have health care."

But not all Democrats backed the administration. Tim Kaine, a Catholic seeking the Senate seat in Virginia, said he supports contraceptive coverage but thinks there should be a broader exemption for religious organizations. He made the comments in a radio interview Tuesday with the "HearSay with Cathy Lewis" program on WHRV in Hampton Roads, Va.

Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., who faces re-election in November, sent a letter to Obama complaining that the mandate is a "direct affront to religious freedoms."

Rep. Dan Lipinski, D-Ill., said in January that the decision "violates the long-standing tradition of protection for conscience rights in federal law."

California Rules on Same Sex Marriage


Hours after winning a landmark case in a California federal appeals court that struck down the state’s ban on gay marriage, lawyer Theodore B. Olson, who had filed a lawsuit against the ban known as Proposition 8, talked about the odds of the Supreme Court taking up the case.

“This issue will go to the Supreme Court, I think it will go to the Supreme Court in this case, ” he told MSNBC’s Rachel Maddow.

But because the decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit was so specific to California’s unique history with same-sex marriage, some legal analysts believe the justices might pass on the case. Or if the court took it up, it would rule narrowly on Proposition 8 –saving the broader question of whether gays and lesbians have a right to marry for another day.

And that would be just fine for some advocates of gay marriage.

“If by some chance the Supreme Court decided today that same-sex couples had a right to marry, I could see an enormous outcry and a push for a federal constitutional amendment that would ban it. Even if it lost, that would be a nightmare.” E. J. Graff writes in The American Prospect.

Before the challenge to Prop 8 was brought to federal court by the American Foundation for Equal Rights and its lead lawyers, Olson and David Boies, other longtime same-sex marriage litigators focused more on challenging laws that prohibit gay marriage at the state level.

“When Olson and Boies brought this, there was a fear by some members of the gay rights community that you could get an adverse ruling in federal court that would slow political momentum and shut legal doors, ” says Jane Schacter, a professor at Stanford Law School.

The preferred strategy was to go state by state, picking the states very carefully and working to legalize gay marriage at the state level.

“The Supreme Court rarely gets out that far in front of public opinion, and the court is wary of rulings that are likely to provoke a lot of backlash and opposition,” says Schacter. “The strategy by some advocates is to get more and more states to legalize gay marriage, and then go to the Supreme Court.”

While advocates were happy with the federal appeals court ruling, they are not all pressing for a sweeping ruling from the Supreme Court on the issue.

Currently, only six states and the District of Columbia allow same-sex marriages, while other states are moving in that direction.

“The outlook is very positive. The citizens of Maine may get an opportunity to return to the ballot on marriage. The legislature in Washington appears poised to enact marriage equality. The legislature in New Jersey is now considering a marriage equality bill. A marriage equality bill has just been introduced in Illinois where the legislature recently enacted civil unions, ” says Tobias Barrington Wolff, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania Law School who also advised the Obama campaign on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender issues during the 2008 campaign.

It’s a carefully crafted Supreme Court strategy by advocates hoping to build momentum on the issue.

“Every successful civil rights movement has involved careful choices over time about what cases are likely to move the law in a positive direction, and which cases are likely to produce good outcomes. That was true of the civil rights movement for African-Americans, it was true for the women’s rights movement and it has been true of the LGBT movement, ” says Wolff.

He says there are tactical decisions made because the Supreme Court does not like to speak on an issue prematurely.

“It is helpful to the justices to benefit from the work of other judges in other courts exploring and analyzing an issue over time before they weigh in with a ruling that can define or change the law for everybody.”

The challenge to Prop 8 is not the only high-profile gay rights case playing out in federal court. Challenges to the Defense of Marriage Act, or DOMA, which does not recognize gay marriage, have also been brought to the lower courts. Those cases do not present the question of whether gay couples have the right to marry, because the plaintiffs are married in states that allow gay marriage. Instead, the cases challenge DOMA, which denies federal recognition of same-sex marriage.